Lebanon — the forgotten front

While the world’s attention has been focused on the combined efforts of Arab and US forces attacking “Islamic State” (IS) positions in Iraq and Syria, unfolding in Lebanon is a third front in the war against this violent extremist group, which has received scant attention.

Because Lebanon has been so overwhelmed by the fallout from Syria’s civil war, aggravating the country’s fragile sectarian balance, the threat of IS poses an existential challenge that must not be ignored.

Despite being the smallest of Syria’s neighbours, Lebanon is currently hosting 40 per cent of Syria’s refugees. With a population of just under 4 million citizens, the presence of 1.2 million displaced Syrians means that nearly one in every four persons currently residing in Lebanon is Syrian. 

This is causing severe stress on Lebanon’s resources and its social order.

While the refugees are dispersed across the country in over 1,600 locations, some Lebanese towns have been completely overwhelmed by Syrians, with the impact being felt in severe shortages in housing, medical services, water and electricity.

Classrooms are overcrowded. And with the refugees willing to work for less pay, many Lebanese are now finding themselves priced out of the job market.

The international community has been generous in providing support to the refugee population — though far short of the needs. But the host communities, which have been negatively impacted by the surge of refugees, did not receive adequate support.  All this has caused enormous stress countrywide. 

In June 2012, all Lebanon’s political groups agreed on a policy of “disassociation” — pledging not to become involved in Syria’s war.

While individual Lebanese crossed the border to fight either for or against the Assad government, the first formal break in the “disassociation” policy came with Hizbollah’s entry into the Syrian war in 2013.

While Hizbollah’s justifications for its action varied from protecting Shiite holy places from being overrun by Sunni extremists to supporting their ally in Damascus, the net result was to aggravate Lebanon’s Sunni population, thereby aggravating the country’s sectarian fissures.

Over the past year, Lebanon has been on low boil. There have been mass bombings in both Shiite and Sunni neighbourhoods and not a day goes by without reports of small-scale, but still lethal, sectarian attacks. 

The most dangerous situation, to date, is unfolding in Lebanon’s northeast — in the border town of Arsal. 

As a result of the Syrian war, Arsal’s Lebanese population of 35,000 swelled to over 100,000 souls. Preying off of the obvious discontent created by this untenable situation, a combined force of Jabhat Al Nusra (Al Qaeda affiliate) and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) overran Arsal in early August.

A week later, the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) re-established control, driving out the two militant groups.

Losses were great: 19 LAF soldiers died in the battle and 38 were captured. 

Since then, a terrifying and dangerous drama has unfolded, with the extremists threatening to behead the captives unless LAF withdrew.

It is important to note that the LAF is held in high esteem among all sectors of Lebanese society. It is Lebanon’s one truly national institution with near equal portions of Sunnis and Shiites in uniform, joined by a substantial number of Christians.

A recent poll showed that while the public gave extremely low, single digit, favourable ratings to their parliament and government, 70 per cent gave a positive rating to their army.

The extremists have ruthlessly exploited the captives, calling the soldiers’ families telling them to pressure LAF to withdraw from Arsal and then engaging in public executions of the soldiers, one at a time, to demonstrate their cruelty and resolve. 

Lebanese officials decried this barbaric display and complained that some elements of the Lebanese media have contributed to the extremists’ efforts by sensationalising the parents’ appeals.

To date, three LAF have been executed, but the army and government have withstood the pressure and refused to surrender Arsal back to the control of the terrorist groups.

As one Lebanese official recently put it, “the choice they are giving us is to trade 38 captives for the entire city of Arsal”.

Lebanon has signed on as a partner in the Arab and US coalition to combat IS. But it will not be fighting in Syria or Iraq. It has its own front in this war. Its efforts need recognition and international support. 

LAF requires advanced weaponry to fight more effectively. And Lebanon requires much more assistance to provide not only for the massive influx of refugees, but also for its host communities.

It would be tragic if in the process of combating the IS presence in Iraq and Syria the world ignored Lebanon, thus allowing IS to gain a foothold in the country or allowing the tactics of IS or Jabhat Al Nusra to provoke tensions within Lebanon, thereby sparking a sectarian civil war.

The key to avoiding either outcome is to strengthen LAF so that it can control the country’s borders and to demonstrate to the Lebanese people that the world is attentive to their plight.