Foreign fighters with Hay’at Tahrir Al Sham and the ‘Bosnia Model’

The issue of foreign fighters in Syria remains a major concern for various parties, including Western and Arab states on one side, Syrian civilians and minorities, especially on another side, and Hayat Tahrir Al Sham (HTS) in handling their fate on a third side. According to Western and Arab diplomatic circles, this topic has been publicly raised by American, French and German delegations visiting Damascus, as well as Arab officials. There is noticeable discomfort over HTS’s announcement of the names of some foreign fighters in its new army, including non-Syrians.  

HTS leaders do not hide their ethical commitment to those who supported the group and the Syrian people in their struggle against the former regime. They argue that they cannot simply abandon these fighters now under Western and Arab pressure. Although some countries have reportedly expressed understanding of HTS leaders' view, this does not preclude the need for a strategic solution that satisfies both domestic and international concerns. Proposals being discussed include granting these foreign fighters Syrian citizenship and resettling those who wish to remain, while offering others the choice to leave or relocate elsewhere.

Of course, such a scenario might provoke internal Syrian fears. However, it is important to clarify that the remaining foreign fighters affiliated with HTS are not large in number. Among these groups is the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP), whose numbers are estimated at around 3,800, according to Western security reports. They reside near Idlib, particularly in the Jisr Al Shughur area, along with their families. It is therefore expected that most of them would prefer to move to other battlefronts, such as Afghanistan or possibly Ukraine or elsewhere.

Additionally, remnants of the Muhajireen and Ansar group, founded by Abu Omar Al Shishani, are still present. This group fractured after Shishani joined the Daesh terror group with a large contingent (before being killed in Iraq), while the remaining members merged with the TIP, becoming a small combat unit within it. There is also the Balkan Battalion, composed of fighters from Europe and the Balkans, though their numbers are small, estimated at only 200-300 fighters at most.

Adopting the Bosnian model appears to be the most suitable solution for these groups, but it requires a practical and consensual Syrian and regional framework. This could involve disarming those willing to settle in Syria, granting them citizenship and integrating them into Syrian society. Some of them have already married Syrian women and started families there. Additionally, an effective counter-terrorism and de-radicalisation programme could oversee this process and ensure proper monitoring. Human rights and humanitarian organisations, as well as civil society groups, both domestic and international, could play a guiding role in implementing and supervising this approach.

The current situation in Syria is sensitive and critical. The transitional administration today must carefully balance complex internal considerations with external, regional and international ones, as lifting sanctions, reconstruction and rebuilding Syria depend on this equation. Otherwise, the alternative could be a renewed proxy war, civil conflict, or even partition, potentially supported by regional powers, especially Israel, whose some leaders openly talk about partition.

Such complexities place the new leadership in an uncomfortable position in dealing with both internal and external parties. They are often forced to accept demands they do not favor, leading to disappointment among many observers who are optimistic that Syria could be the key to a new wave of the Arab Spring. However, these observers often fail to grasp the extent of the pressures, risks, and challenges Syria is currently facing.